Transmission of Aggression Through
Imitation of Aggressive Models
Albert Bandura,
Dorothea Ross, and Sheila A. Ross (1961)
First published in Journal of Abnormal and
Social Psychology, 63, 575-582.
A previous study, designed to account
for the phenomenon of identification in terms of incidental
learning, demonstrated that children readily imitated behavior
exhibited by an adult model in the presence of the model (Bandura
& Huston, 1961). A series of experiments by Blake (1958)
and others (Grosser, Polansky, & Lippitt, 1951; Rosenblith,
1959; Schachter & Hall, 1952) have likewise shown that
mere observation responses of a model has a facilitating effect
on subjects' reactions in the immediate social influence setting.
While these studies provide convincing
evidence for the influence and control exerted on others by
the behavior of a model, a more crucial test of imitative
learning involves the generalization of imitative response
patterns new settings in which the model is absent.
In the experiment reported in this
paper children were exposed to aggressive and nonaggressive
adult models and were then tested amount of imitative learning
in a new situation on in the absence of the model. According
the prediction, subjects exposed to aggressive models would
reproduce aggressive acts resembling those of their models
and would differ in this respect both from subjects who served
nonaggressive models and from those ho had no prior exposure
to any models. This hypothesis assumed that subjects had learned
imitative habits as a result of prior reinforcement, and these
tendencies would generalize to some extent to adult experimenters
(Miller & Dollard, 1941).
It was further predicted that observation
of subdued nonaggressive models would have generalized inhibiting
effect on the subjects' subsequent behavior, and this effect
would be reflected in a difference between the nonaggressive
and the control groups, with subjects in the latter group
displaying significantly more aggression.
Hypotheses were also advanced concerning
the influence of the sex of model and sex of subjects on imitation.
Fauls and Smith (1956) have shown that preschool children
perceive their parents as having distinct preferences regarding
sex appropriate modes of behavior for their children. Their
findings, as well as informal observation, suggest that parents
reward imitation of sex appropriate behavior and discourage
or punish sex inappropriate imitative responses, e.g., a male
child is unlikely to receive much reward for performing female
appropriate activities, such as cooking, or for adopting other
aspects of the maternal role, but these same behaviors are
typically welcomed if performed by females. As a result of
differing reinforcement histories, tendencies to imitate male
and female models thus acquire differential habit strength.
One would expect, on this basis, subjects to imitate the behavior
of a same-sex model to a greater degree than a model of the
opposite sex.
Since aggression, however, is a highly
masculine-typed behavior, boys should be more predisposed
than girls toward imitating aggression, the difference being
most marked for subjects exposed to the male aggressive model.
METHOD
Subjects
The subjects were 36 boys and 36
girls enrolled in the Stanford University Nursery' School.
They ranged in age from 37 to 69 months, with a mean age of
52 months.
Two adults, a male and a female,
served in the role of model, and one female experimenter conducted
the study for all 72 children.
Experimental Design
Subjects were divided into eight
experimental groups of six subjects each and a control group
consisting of 24 subjects. Half the experimental subjects
were exposed to aggressive models and half were exposed to
models that were subdued and nonaggressive in their behavior.
These groups were further subdivided into male and female
subjects. Half the subjects in the aggressive and nonaggressive
conditions observed [p. 576] same-sex models, while the remaining
subjects in each group viewed models of the opposite sex.
The control group had no prior exposure to the adult models
and was tested only in the generalization situation.
It seemed reasonable to expect that
the subjects' level of aggressiveness would be positively
related to the readiness with which they imitated aggressive
modes of behavior. Therefore, in order to increase the precision
of treatment comparisons, subjects in the experimental and
control groups were matched individually on the basis of ratings
of their aggressive behavior in social interactions in the
nursery school.
The subjects were rated on four five-point
rating scales by the experimenter and a nursery school teacher,
both of whom were well acquainted with the children. These
scales measured the extent to which subjects displayed physical
aggression, verbal aggression, aggression toward inanimate
objects, and aggressive inhibition. The latter scale, which
dealt with the subjects' tendency to inhibit aggressive reactions
in the face of high instigation, provided a measure of aggression
anxiety.
Fifty-one subjects were rated independently
by both judges so as to permit an assessment of interrater
agreement. The reliability of the composite aggression score,
estimated by means of the Pearson product-moment correlation,
was .89.
The composite score was obtained
by summing the ratings on the four aggression scales; on the
basis of these scores, subjects were arranged in triplets
and assigned at random to one of two treatment conditions
or to the control group.
Experimental Conditions
In the first step in the procedure
subjects were brought individually by the experimenter to
the experimental room and the model who was in the hallway
outside the room, was invited by the experimenter to come
and join in the game. The experimenter then escorted the subject
to one corner of the room, which was structured as the subject's
play area. After seating the child at a small table, the experimenter
demonstrated how the subject could design pictures with potato
prints and picture stickers provided. The potato prints included
a variety of geometrical forms; the stickers were attractive
multicolor pictures of animals, flowers, and Western figures
to be pasted on a pastoral scene. These activities were selected
since they had been established, by previous studies in the
nursery school, as having high interest value for the children.
After having settled the subject
in his corner, the experimenter escorted the model to the
opposite corner of the room which contained a small table
and chair, a tinker toy set, a mallet, and a 5-foot inflated
Bobo doll. The experimenter explained that these were the
materials provided for the model to play with and, after the
model was seated, the experimenter left the experimental room.
With subjects in the nonaggressive
condition, the model assembled the tinker toys in a quiet
subdued manner totally ignoring the Bobo doll.
In contrast, with subjects in the
aggressive condition, the model began by assembling the tinker
toys but after approximately a minute had elapsed, the model
turned to the Bobo doll and spent the remainder of the period
aggressing toward it.
Imitative learning can be clearly
demonstrated if a model performs sufficiently novel patterns
of responses which are unlikely to occur independently of
the observation of the behavior of a model and if a subject
reproduces these behaviors in substantially identical form.
For this reason, in addition to punching the Bobo doll, a
response that is likely to be performed be children independently
of a demonstration, the model exhibited distinctive aggressive
acts which were to be scored as imitative responses. The model
laid the Bobo doll on its side, sat on it and punched it repeatedly
in the nose. The model then raised the Bobo doll, pick up
the mallet and struck the doll on the head. Following the
mallet aggression, the model tossed the doll up in the air
aggressively and kicked it about the room. This sequence of
physically aggressive acts was repeated approximately three
times, interspersed with verbally aggressive responses such
as, "Sock him in the nose
," "Hit him down...," "Throw
him in the air
," "Kick him
," "Pow
," and
two non-aggressive comments, "He keeps coming back for more"
and "He sure is a tough fella."
Thus in the exposure situation, subjects
were provided with a diverting task which occupied their attention
while at the same time insured observation of the model's
behavior in the absence of any instructions to observe or
to learn the responses in question. Since subjects could not
perform the model's aggressive behavior, any learning that
occurred was purely on an observational or covert basis.
At the end of 10 minutes, the experimenter
entered the room, informed the subject that he would now go
to another game room, and bid the model goodbye.
Aggression Arousal
Subjects were tested for the amount
of imitative learning in a different experimental room that
was set off from the main nursery school building, The two
experimental situations were thus clearly differentiated;
in fact, many subjects were under the impression that they
were no longer on the nursery school grounds.
Prior to the test for imitation,
however, all subjects, experimental and control, were subjected
to mild aggression arousal to insure that they were under
some degree of instigation to aggression. The arousal experience
was included for two main reasons. In the first place, observation
of aggressive behavior exhibited by others tends to reduce
the probability of aggression on the part of the observer
(Rosenbaum & deCharms, 1960). Consequently, subjects in
the aggressive condition, in relation both to the nonaggressive
and control groups, would he under weaker instigation following
exposure to the models. Second, if subjects in the nonaggressive
condition expressed little aggression in the face of appropriate
instigation, the presence of an inhibitory process would seem
to be indicated.
Following the exposure experience,
therefore, the experimenter brought the subject to an anteroom
that contained these relatively attractive toys: a fire engine,
a locomotive, a jet fighter plane, a cable car, a colorful
spinning top, and a doll set complete with wardrobe, doll
carriage, and baby crib. The experimenter [p. 577] explained
that the toys were for the subject to play with but, as soon
as the subject became sufficiently involved with the play
material (usually in about 2 minutes), the experimenter remarked
that these were her very best toys, that she did not let just
anyone play with them, and that she had decided to reserve
these toys for the other children. However, the subject could
play with any of the toys that were in the next room. The
experimenter and the subject then entered the adjoining experimental
room.
It was necessary for the experimenter
to remain in the room during the experimental session; otherwise
a number of the children would either refuse to remain alone
or would leave before the termination of the session. However,
in order to minimize any influence her presence might have
on the subject's behavior, the experimenter remained as inconspicuous
as possible by busying herself with paper work at a desk in
the far corner of the room and avoiding any interaction with
the child.
Test for Delayed Imitation
The experimental room contained a
variety of toys including some that could be used in imitative
or nonimitative aggression, and others that tended to elicit
predominantly nonaggressive forms of behavior. The aggressive
toys included a 3-foot Bobo doll, a mallet and peg board,
two dart guns, and a tether ball with a face painted on it
which hung from the ceiling. The nonaggressive toys, on the
other hand, included a tea set, crayons and coloring paper,
a ball, two dolls, three bears, cars and trucks, and plastic
farm animals.
In order to eliminate any variation
in behavior due to mere placement of the toys in the room,
the play material was arranged in a fixed order for each of
the sessions.
The subject spent 20 minutes in this
experiments room during which time his behavior was rated
in terms of predetermined response categories by judges who
observed the session though a one-way mirror in an adjoining
observation room. The 20 minute session was divided into 5-second
intervals by means of at electric interval timer, thus yielding
a total number of 240 response units for each subject.
The male model scored the experimental
sessions for all 72 children. Except for the cases in which
he, served as the model, he did hot have knowledge of the
subjects' group assignments. In order to provide an estimate
of interscorer agreement, the performance of half the subjects
were also scored independently by second observer. Thus one
or the other of the two observers usually had no knowledge
of the conditions to which the subjects were assigned. Since,
however, all but two of the subjects in the aggressive condition
performed the models' novel aggressive responses while subjects
in the other conditions only rarely exhibited such reactions,
subjects who were exposed to the aggressive models could be
readily identified through the distinctive behavior.
The responses scored involved highly
specific concrete classes of behavior and yielded high interscorer
reliabilities, the product-moment coefficients being in the
.90s.
Response Measures
Three measures of imitation were
obtained:
Imitation of physical aggression:
This category included acts of striking the Bobo doll with
the mallet, sitting on the doll and punching it in the nose,
kicking the doll, and tossing it in the air.
Imitative verbal aggression: Subject
repeats the phrases, "Sock him," "Hit him down," "Kick him,"
"Throw him in the air," or "Pow"
Imitative nonaggressive verbal responses:
Subject repeats, "He keeps coming back for more," or "He sure
is a tough fella."
During the pretest, a number of the
subjects imitated the essential components of the model's
behavior but did not perform the complete act, or they directed
the imitative aggressive response to some object other than
the Bobo doll. Two responses of this type were therefore scored
and were interpreted as partially imitative behavior.
Mallet aggression: Subject strikes
objects other than the Bobo doll aggressively with the mallet.
Sits on Bobo doll: Subject lays
the Bobo doll on its side and sits on it, but does not aggress
toward it.
The following additional nonimitative
aggressive responses were scored:
Punches Bobs doll: Subject strikes,
slaps, or pushes the doll aggressively.
Nonimitative physical and verbal
aggression: This category included physically aggressive acts
directed toward objects other than the Bubo doll and any hostile
remarks except for those in the verbal imitation category;
e.g., "Shoot the Bobo," "Cut him," "Stupid ball," "Knock over
people," "Horses fighting, biting"
Aggressive gun play: Subject shoots
darts or aims the guns and fires imaginary shots at objects
in the room.
Ratings were also made of the number
of behavior units in which subjects played nonaggressively
or sat quietly and did not play with any of the material at
all.
RESULTS
Complete Imitation of Models'
Behavior
Subjects in the aggression condition
reproduced a good deal of physical and verbal aggressive behavior
resembling that of the models, and their mean scores differed
markedly from those of subjects in the nonaggressive and control
groups who exhibited virtually no imitative aggression (See
Table 1).
Since there were only a few scores
for subjects in the nonaggressive and control conditions (approximately
70% of the subjects had zero scores), and the assumption of
homogeneity of variance could not be made, the Friedman two-way
analysis of variance by ranks was employed to test the significance
of the obtained differences.
The prediction that exposure of subjects
to aggressive models increases the probability [p. 578] of
aggressive behavior is clearly confirmed (see Table 2). The
main effect of treatment conditions is highly significant
both for physical and verbal imitative aggression. Comparison
of pairs of scores by the sign test shows that the obtained
over-all differences were due almost entirely to the aggression
displayed by subjects who had been exposed to the aggressive
models. Their scores were significantly higher than those
of either the nonaggressive or control groups, which did not
differ from each other (Table 2).
Imitation was not confined to the
model's aggressive responses. Approximately one-third of the
subjects in the aggressive condition also repeated the model's
nonaggressive verbal responses while none of the subjects
in either the nonaggressive or control groups made such remarks.
This difference, tested by means of the Cochran Q test, was
significant well beyond the .001 level (Table 2).
Partial Imitation of Models' Behavior

Differences in the predicted direction
were also obtained on the two measures of partial imitation.
Analysis of variance of scores based
on the subjects' use of the mallet aggressively toward objects
other than the Bobo doll reveals that treatment conditions
are a statistically significant source of variation (Table
2). In addition, individual sign tests show that both the
aggressive and the control groups, relative to subjects in
the nonaggressive condition, produced significantly more mallet
aggression, the difference being particularly marked with
regard to female subjects. Girls who observed nonaggressive
model performed a mean number of 0.5 mallet aggression responses
as compared to mean values of 18.0 and 13.1 for girls in the
aggressive and control groups, respectively.
Although subjects who observed aggressive
models performed more mallet aggression (M = 20.0) than their
controls (M = 13.3), the difference was not statistically
significant.
[p. 579] With respect to the partially
imitative response of sitting on the Bobo doll, the over-all
group differences were significantly beyond the .01 level
(Table 2). Comparison of pairs of scores by the sign test
procedure reveals that subjects in the aggressive group reproduced
this aspect of the models' behavior to a greater extent than
did the nonaggressive (p = .018) or the control (p = .059)
subjects. The latter two groups, on the other hand, did not
differ from each other.
Nonimitative Aggression
Analyses of variance of the remaining
aggression measures (Table 2) show that treatment conditions
did not influence the extent to which subjects engaged in
aggressive gun play or punched the Bobo doll. The effect of
conditions is highly significant (c 2r
= 8.96, p < .02), however in the case of the subjects'
expression of nonimitative physical and verbal aggression.
Further comparison of treatment pairs reveals that the main
source of the over-all difference was the aggressive and nonaggressive
groups which differed significantly from each other (Table
2), with subjects exposed to the aggressive models displaying
the greater amount of aggression.
Influence of Sex of Model and Sex
of Subjects on Imitation
The hypothesis that boys are more
prone than girls to imitate aggression exhibited by a model
was only partially confirmed. t tests computed for the subjects
in the aggressive condition reveal that boys reproduced more
imitative physical aggression than girls (t = 2.50 p <
.01). The groups do not differ, however, in their imitation
of verbal aggression.
The use of nonparametric tests, necessitated
by the extremely skewed distributions of scores for subjects
in the nonaggressive and control conditions, preclude an over-all
test of the influence of sex of model per se, and of the various
interactions between the main effects. Inspection of the means
presented in Table 1 for subjects in the aggression condition,
however, clearly suggests the possibility of a Sex x Model
interaction. This interaction effect is much more consistent
and pronounced for the male model than for the female model.
Male subjects, for example, exhibited more physical (t = 2.07,
p < .05) and verbal imitative aggression (t = 2.51, p <
.05), more non-imitative aggression (t = 3.15, p < .025),
and engaged in significantly more aggressive gun play (t =
2.12, p < .05) following exposure to the aggressive male
model than the female subjects. In contrast, girls exposed
to the female model performed considerably more imitative
verbal aggression and more non-imitative aggression than did
the boys (Table 1). The variances, however, were equally large
and with only a small N in each cell the mean differences
did not reach statistical significance.
Data for the nonaggressive and control
subjects provide additional suggestive evidence that the behavior
of the male model exerted a greater influence than the female
model on the subjects' behavior in the generalization situation.
It will be recalled that, except
for the greater amount of mallet aggression exhibited by the
control subjects, no significant differences were obtained
between the nonaggressive and control groups. The data indicate,
however, that the absence of significant differences between
these two groups was due primarily to the fact that subjects
exposed to the nonaggressive female model did not differ from
the controls on any of the measures of aggression. With respect
to the male model, on the other hand, the differences between
the groups are striking. Comparison of the sets of scores
by means of the sign test reveals that, in relation to the
control group, subjects exposed to the nonaggressive male
model performed significantly less imitative physical aggression
(p = .06), less imitative verbal aggression (p = .002), less
mallet aggression (p = .003), less nonimitative physical and
verbal aggression (p = .03), and they were less inclined to
punch the hobo doll (p = .07).
While the comparison of subgroups,
when some of the over-all tests do not reach statistical significance,
is likely to capitalize on chance differences, nevertheless
the consistency of the findings adds support to the interpretation
in terms of influence by the model.
Nonaggressive Behavior
With the exception of expected sex
differences, Lindquist (1956) Type III analyses of variance
of the nonaggressive response scores yielded few significant
differences.
Female subjects spent more time than
boys [p. 580] playing with dolls (p < .001), with the tea
set (p < .001), and coloring (p < .05). The boys, on
the other hand, devoted significantly more time than the girls
to exploratory play with the guns (p < .01). No sex differences
were found in respect to the subjects [sic] use of the other
stimulus objects, i.e., farm animals, cars, or tether ball.
Treatment conditions did produce
significant differences on two measures of nonaggressive behavior
that are worth mentioning. Subjects in the nonaggressive condition
engaged in significantly more nonaggressive play with dolls
than either subjects in the aggressive group (t = 2.67, p
< .02), or in the control group (t = 2.57, p < .02).
Even more noteworthy is the finding
that subjects who observed nonaggressive models spent more
than twice as much time as subjects in aggressive condition
(t = 3.07, p <.01) in simply sitting quietly without handling
any of the play material.
DISCUSSION
Much current research on social learning
is focused on the shaping of new behavior through rewarding
and punishing consequences. Unless responses are emitted,
however, they cannot be influenced. The results of this study
provide strong evidence that observation of cues produced
by the behavior of others is one effective means of eliciting
certain forms of responses for which the original probability
is very low or zero. Indeed, social imitation may hasten or
short-cut the acquisition of new behaviors without the necessity
of reinforcing successive approximations as suggested by Skinner
(1953).
Thus subjects given an opportunity
to observe aggressive models later reproduced a good deal
of physical and verbal aggression (as well as nonaggressive
responses) substantially identical with that of the model.
In contrast, subjects who were exposed to nonaggressive models
and those who had no previous exposure to any models only
rarely performed such responses.
To the extent that observation of
adult models displaying aggression communicates permissiveness
for aggressive behavior, such exposure may serve to weaken
inhibitory responses and thereby to increase the probability
of aggressive reactions to subsequent frustrations. The fact,
however, that subjects expressed their aggression in ways
that clearly resembled the novel patterns exhibited by models
provides striking evidence for the occurrence of learning
by imitation.
In the procedure employed by Miller
and Dollard (1941) for establishing imitative behavior, adult
or peer models performed discrimination responses following
which they were consistently rewarded, and the subjects were
similarly reinforced whenever, matched the leaders' choice
responses. While these experiments have been widely accepted
as demonstrations of learning by means of imitation, in fact,
they simply involve a special case of discrimination learning
in which the behavior of others serves as discriminative stimuli
for responses that are already part of the subject's repertoire.
Auditory or visual environmental cues could easily have been
substituted for the social stimuli to facilitate the discrimination
learning. In contrast, the process of imitation studied in
the present experiment differed in several important respects
from the one investigated by Miller and Dollard in that subjects
learned to combine fractional responses into relatively complex
novel patterns solely by observing the performance of social
models without any opportunity to perform the models' behavior
m the exposure setting, and without any reinforcers delivered
either to the models or to the observers.
An adequate theory of the mechanisms
underlying imitative learning is lacking. The explanations
that have been offered (Logan, Olmsted, Rosner, Schwartz,
& Stevens, 1955; Maccoby, 1959) assume that the imitator
performs the model's responses covertly. If it can be assumed
additionally that rewards and punishments are self-administered
in conjunction with the covert responses, the process of imitative
learning could be accounted for in terms of the same principles
that govern instrumental trial-and-error learning. In the
early stages of the developmental process, however, the range
of component responses in the organism's repertoire is probably
increased through a process of classical conditioning (Bandura
& Huston,; 1961; Mowrer, 1950).
The data provide some evidence that
the male model influenced the subjects' behavior [p. 581]
outside the exposure setting to a greater extent than was
true for the female model. In the analyses of the Sex x Model
interactions, for example, only the comparisons involving
the male model yielded significant differences. Similarly,
subjects exposed to the nonaggressive male model performed
less aggressive behavior than the controls, whereas comparisons
involving the female model were consistently nonsignificant.
In a study of learning by imitation,
Rosenblith (1959) has likewise found male experimenters more
effective than females in influencing childrens' [sic] behavior.
Rosenblith advanced the tentative explanation that the school
setting may involve some social deprivation in respect to
adult males which, in turn, enhances the male's reward value.
The trends in the data yielded by
the present study suggest an alternative explanation. In the
case of a highly masculine-typed behavior such as physical
aggression, there is a tendency for both male and female subjects
to imitate the male model to a greater degree than the female
model. On the other hand, in the case of verbal aggression,
which is less clearly sex linked, the greatest amount of imitation
occurs in relation to the same-sex model. These trends together
with the finding that boys in relation to girls are in general
more imitative of physical aggression but do not differ in
imitation of verbal aggression, suggest that subjects may
be differentially affected by the sex of the model but that
predictions must take into account tie degree to which the
behavior in question is sex-typed.
The preceding discussion has assumed
that maleness-femaleness rather than some other personal characteristics
of the particular models involved, is the significant variable
-- an assumption that cannot be tested directly with the data
at hand. It was clearly evident, however, particularly from
boys' spontaneous remarks about the display of aggression
by the female model, that some subjects at least were responding
in terms of a sex discrimination and their prior learning
about what is sex appropriate behavior (e.g., "Who is that
lady. That's not the way for a lady to behave. Ladies are
supposed to act like ladies. . ." "You should have seen what
that girl did in there. She was just acting like a man. I
never saw a girl act like that before. She was punching and
fighting but no swearing."). Aggression by the male model,
on the other hand, was more likely to be seen as appropriate
and approved by both the boys ("Al's a good socker, he beat
up Bobo. I want to sock like Al.") and the girls ("That man
is a strong fighter, he punched and punched and he could hit
Bobo right down to the floor and if Bobo got up he said, 'Punch
your nose.' He's a good fighter like Daddy.").
The finding that subjects exposed
to the quiet models were more inihibited and unresponsive
than subjects in the aggressive condition, together with the
obtained difference on the aggression measures, suggests that
exposure to inhiibited models not only decreases the probability
of occurrence of aggressive behavior but also generally restricts
the range of behavior emitted by the subjects.
"Identification with aggressor" (Freud,
1946) or "defensive identification" (Mowrer, 1950), whereby
a person presumably transforms himself from object to agent
of aggression by adopting the attributes of an aggressive
threatening model so as to allay anxiety, is widely accepted
as an explanation of the imitative learning of aggression.
The development of aggressive modes
of response by children of aggressively punitive adults, however,
may simply reflect object displacement without involving any
such mechanism of defensive identification. In studies of
child training antecedents of aggressively antisocial adolescents
(Bandura & Walters, 1959) and of young hyperaggressive
boys (Bandura, 1960), the parents were found to be nonpermissive
and punitive of aggression directed toward themselves. On
the other hand, they actively encouraged and reinforced their
sons aggression toward persons outside the home. This pattern
of differential reinforcement of aggressive behavior served
to inhibit the boys' aggression toward the original instigators
and fostered the displacement of aggression toward objects
and situations eliciting much weaker inhibitory responses.
Moreover, the findings from an earlier
study (Baudura & Huston, 1961), in which children imitated
to an equal degree aggression exhibited by a nurturant and
a nonnurturant model, together with the results [p. 582] of
the present experiment in which subjects readily imitated
aggressive models who were more or less neutral figures suggest
that mere observation of aggression, regardless of the quality
of the model-subject relationship, is a sufficient condition
for producing imitative aggression in children. A comparative
study of the subjects' imitation of aggressive models who
are feared, who are liked and esteemed, or who are essentially
neutral figures would throw some light on whether or not a
more parsimonious theory than the one involved in "identification
with the aggressor" can explain the modeling process.
SUMMARY
Twenty-four preschool children were
assigned to each of three conditions. One experimental group
observed aggressive adult models; a second observed inhibited
non-aggressive models; while subjects in a control group had
no prior exposure to the models. Half the subjects in the
experimental conditions observed same-sex models and hall
viewed models of the opposite sex. Subjects were then tested
for the amount of imitative as well as nonimitative aggression
performed in a new situation in the absence of the models.
Comparison of the subjects' behavior
in the generalization situation revealed that subjects exposed
to aggressive models reproduced a good deal of aggression
resembling that of the models, and that their mean scores
differed markedly from those of subjects in the nonaggressive
and control groups. Subjects in the aggressive condition also
exhibited significantly more partially imitative and nonimitative
aggressive behavior and were generally less inhibited in their
behavior than subjects in the nonaggressive condition.
Imitation was found to be differentially
influenced by the sex of the model with boys showing more
aggression than girls following exposure to the male model,
the difference being particularly marked on highly masculine-typed
behavior.
Subjects who observed the nonaggressive
models, especially the subdued male model, were generally
less aggressive than their controls.
The implications of the findings
based on this experiment and related studies for the psychoanalytic
theory of identification with the aggressor were discussed.
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(Received December 2, 1960)

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